Geopolitics & Daily News
Σύμφωνα με τους NEW YORK TIMES η Κύπρος αρνείται να μάθει από τα λάθη της ενώ τονίζεται ότι έφτασε η ώρα να
πληρώσει ακριβά τις αμαρτίες της. Πέρα του γεγονότος ότι οι Κύπριοι
υπερεκτίμησαν την διαπραγματευτική τους ισχύ, το δημοσίευμα υποστηρίζει
ότι το ΟΧΙ της Κύπρου στο σχέδιο Ανάν ήταν αυτό που ουσιαστικά εκνεύρισε
τους Ευρωπαίους και όχι μόνο εταίρους με συνέπεια σήμερα να τιμωρείται.
«Το
πρώτο μεγάλο λάθος της Κύπρου ήταν ότι το 2004 που απέρριψε το σχέδιο
του ΟΗΕ για την ενοποίηση με την τουρκοκυπριακή πλευρά στο νησί της.
Αυτό εκνεύρισε τους Ευρωπαίους εταίρους και έβαλε την Κύπρο σε μια
αδύναμη στρατηγική θέση, αφήνοντας ένα ανοιχτό θέμα σε ολόκληρο το νησί»
υποστηρίζει ο αρθρογράφος των New York Times που παράλληλα τονίζει ότι
το καλύτερο για την Κύπρο τώρα θα ήταν να συμμορφωθεί στις Γερμανικές
απαιτήσεις.
Cyprus
will pay dearly for its sins. The Mediterranean island has committed
many follies over the years — and is still making mistakes.
The Cypriots always seem
to overestimate their negotiating position. In recent years, their
first big mistake was to reject in 2004 the U.N. plan for uniting their
island. That irritated their E.U. partners, put Cyprus in a weak
strategic position vis-à-vis Turkey and left a jagged scar across the
island.
The last Communist
government was also virtually criminal in its failure to act as the
crisis in Greece threatened to swamp Cyprus. If it had been willing to
restructure the banks, the Cypriot economy would now be a lot healthier.
It also would have been easier to make a deal with Germany then than
now, when Angela Merkel is only months away from an election.
The new center-right
president, Nicos Anastasiades, has been in office for a month. But he
has managed to turn a crisis into a disaster by initially backing a plan
to impose a 6.75 percent tax on insured depositors.
Of course, the other
euro zone governments, the European Central Bank and the International
Monetary Fund should not have approved this terrible idea either. And
Mr. Anastasiades certainly had a gun to his head: He had to rustle up
money somehow, as the euro zone was rightly unwilling to lend Cyprus
more than €10 billion, or about $13 billion, leaving the country with a
€5.8 billion funding gap.
But the Cypriot
president is ultimately responsible for his actions. There was an
acceptable alternative: Tax the uninsured depositors at 15.5 percent and
leave the insured ones untouched.
Mr. Anastasiades did not
want to do this, as it would have angered Russia and undermined Cyprus
as an offshore financial center. But both of these have happened anyway.
When Mr. Anastasiades
found he could not sell the deposit grab to his people, he backtracked.
There was jubilation in the streets.
The Cypriot government
then asked Russia for help. But again Nicosia overestimated its
negotiating position. Moscow was not interested in buying bankrupt banks
or lending more money. Michael Sarris, Cyprus’s finance minister, was
sent home empty-handed.
Meanwhile, the E.C.B.
has threatened to pull the plug on insolvent Cypriot banks unless there
is a deal with the euro zone by Monday night. As of Sunday morning, the
government was frantically trying to put together a deal focused on
restructuring its banking system and imposing capital controls.
The banking system
certainly needs a severe revamp. The second-largest lender, Laiki Bank,
is essentially bust. The largest one, Bank of Cyprus, is not in much
better shape. Controlled bankruptcy of one or both institutions would
cut the amount of capital Nicosia has to pump into them while
cauterizing the problem.
But imposing capital
controls would be a historic mistake for Cyprus and the euro zone — even
worse than the crass idea of taxing uninsured deposits. Noncash
transactions would be limited, while withdrawals from cash machines
would be rationed.
This would be equivalent
to Argentina’s “corralito,” which lasted a year in 2001-02. If capital
controls are imposed, it will be almost impossible to lift them because
people will stampede for the exits once they are removed. But such
heavy-handed rationing of limited cash would clobber an economy that is
already heading for a slump.
It would also be a
terrible precedent, probably contravening European treaties. Savers in
Italy, Spain, Greece and other vulnerable euro zone countries might
worry that they would be next and rush to remove cash from their banking
systems. Capital controls really might spell the beginning of the end
of the single currency.
Some of the technocrats
trying to save Cyprus were belatedly waking up to such dangers over the
weekend. But they were struggling to find a viable alternative. After
all, if Cypriot banks open Tuesday morning without capital controls,
there will inevitably be a run on deposits.
The least-bad solution
is for the European Central Bank to offer to supply unlimited liquidity
and finance a run. For it to do this within its rules, the banks must be
properly recapitalized and have sufficient collateral.
The key is to separate
the rotten parts of the banking system from the good ones. The uninsured
depositors can then go with the bad banks and effectively be tied up
until they are wound down. This will cut substantially the liquidity
that needs to be provided to the system. Nicosia has effectively
accepted such a solution for its second-largest bank, but was resisting
doing so for the biggest one.
Provided a good bank/bad
bank split can be agreed upon, the good banks will be in a healthier
position to get liquidity from the E.C.B. or Cyprus’s own central bank.
If they still do not have enough suitable collateral, the E.C.B. should
change the rules to allow other types of assets to be accepted. If there
is still a shortfall, the good banks should be allowed to manufacture
collateral by issuing government-guaranteed bonds.
The Cypriot members of
Parliament will not like any of this. But what is the alternative?
Endless capital controls? Printing a parallel currency so people get
Cypriot pounds instead of euros from the cash machines? Or quitting the
euro entirely?
There are no good options. But the longer it takes for Cyprus to get real, the greater the damage.
Hugo Dixon is editor at large of Reuters News.
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